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The tactic that it adopted was gradually to erode presidential control over the government. In response, the president called a referendum on a constitution for 11 April. The president stalked out of the congress. Vladimir Shumeyko , first deputy prime minister, declared that the referendum would go ahead, but on 25 April.

The parliament was gradually expanding its influence over the government. On 16 March, the president signed a decree that conferred Cabinet rank on Viktor Gerashchenko , chairman of the central bank, and three other officials; this was in accordance with the decision of the eighth congress that these officials should be members of the government.

On 20 March, Yeltsin addressed the nation directly on television, declaring that he had signed a decree on a "special regime" "Об особом порядке управления до преодоления кризиса власти" , under which he would assume extraordinary executive power pending the results of a referendum on the timing of new legislative elections, on a new constitution, and on public confidence in the president and vice-president.

Yeltsin conceded that he had made mistakes and reached out to swing voters in parliament. By the time of the ninth Congress, the legislative branch was dominated by the joint communist-nationalist Russian Unity bloc, [21] which included representatives of the CPRF and the Fatherland faction communists, retired military personnel, and other deputies of a socialist orientation [22] [23] , Agrarian Union , and the faction " Russia " led by Sergey Baburin.

The parliament voted that in order to win, the president would need to obtain 50 percent of the whole electorate, rather than 50 percent of those actually voting, to avoid an early presidential election. This time, the Constitutional Court supported Yeltsin and ruled that the president required only a simple majority on two issues: confidence in him, and economic and social policy; he would need the support of half the electorate in order to call new parliamentary and presidential elections.

On 25 April, a majority of voters expressed confidence in the president [14] and called for new legislative elections. Yeltsin termed the results a mandate for him to continue in power. Before the referendum, Yeltsin had promised to resign, if the electorate failed to express confidence in his policies. As before, the president had to appeal to the people over the heads of the legislature.

On 1 May , antigovernment protests organized by the hardline opposition turned violent. One OMON police officer suffered fatal injuries during the riot. As a reaction, a number of the representatives of Saint Petersburg intelligentia e. Of course, the two main drafts contained contrary views of legislative-executive relations.

Some representatives at the conference ultimately adopted a draft constitution on 12 July that envisaged a bicameral legislature and the dissolution of the congress. The parliament was active in July-August, while the president was on vacation, and passed a number of decrees that revised economic policy [14] in order to "end the division of society. In July, the Constitutional Court of the Russian Federation confirmed the election of Pyotr Sumin to head the administration of the Chelyabinsk oblast , something that Yeltsin had refused to accept.

As a result, a situation of dual power existed in that region from July to October in , with two administrations claiming legitimacy simultaneously. As a result, popularly elected President Vasily Guslyannikov [ ru ] , member of the pro-Yeltsin Democratic Russia movement, lost his position. Thus, on 9 July , it passed resolutions on Sevastopol , "confirming the Russian federal status " of the city. In August , a commentator reflected on the situation as follows: "The President issues decrees as if there were no Supreme Soviet, and the Supreme Soviet suspends decrees as if there were no President.

The president launched his offensive on 1 September when he attempted to suspend Vice President Rutskoy, a key adversary. A presidential spokesman said that he had been suspended because of "accusations of corruption", due to alleged corruption charges, which was not further confirmed. Two weeks later Yeltsin declared that he would agree to call early presidential elections provided that the parliament also called elections.

The parliament ignored him. On 18 September, Yeltsin then named Yegor Gaidar, who had been forced out of office by parliamentary opposition in , a deputy prime minister and a deputy premier for economic affairs. This appointment was unacceptable to the Supreme Soviet. The powers of the President of Russian Federation cannot be used to change the national and state organization of the Russian Federation, to dissolve or to interfere with the functioning of any elected organs of state power.

In this case, his powers cease immediately. In his television appearance to the citizens of Russia, President Yeltsin argued for the decree nr as follows:. Already more than a year attempts were made to reach a compromise with the corps of deputies, with the Supreme Soviet. Russians know well that how many steps were taken by my side during the last congresses and between them.

The majority of the Supreme Soviet goes directly against the will of the Russian people. A course is taken in favour of the weakening of the president and ultimately his removal from office, of the disorganization of the work of the government; during the last months, dozens of antipopular decisions have been prepared and passed. The more flagrant ones are the so-called economic policies of the Supreme Soviet, its decisions on the budget, privatization, there are many others that deepen the crisis, cause colossal damage to the country.

All attempts of the government undertaken to at least somewhat alleviate the economic situation meet incomprehension. There is hardly a day when the cabinet of ministers is not harassed, its hands are not being tied. And this happens in a situation of a deepest economic crisis. The Supreme Soviet has stopped taking into account the decrees of the president, his amendments of the legislative projects, even his constitutional veto rights.

Constitutional reform has practically been pared down. The process of creating rule of law in Russia has essentially been disorganized. To the contrary, what is going on is a deliberate reduction of the legal basis of the young Russian state that is even without this weak. The legislative work became a weapon of political struggle. Laws, that Russia urgently needs, are not being passed for years.

A cleansing of committees and commissions is taking place. Everyone who does not show up personal loyalty to its leader is being mercilessly expelled from the Supreme Soviet, from its presidium. The power in the Supreme Soviet has been captured by a group of persons who have turned it into an HQ of the intransigent opposition.

The constitution currently in force does not allow to do this. The constitution in force also does not provide for a procedure of passing a new constitution, that would provide for a worthy exit from the crisis of state power. I as the guarantor of the security of our state have to propose an exit from this deadlock, have to break this vicious circle.

At the same time, Yeltsin repeated his announcement of a constitutional referendum, and new legislative elections for December. He also repudiated the Constitution of , declaring that it had been replaced with one that gave him extraordinary executive powers. According to the new plan, the lower house would have deputies and be called the State Duma , the name of the Russian legislature before the Bolshevik Revolution in The Federation Council , which would bring together representatives from the 89 subdivisions of the Russian Federation, would assume the role of an upper house.

Yeltsin claimed that by dissolving the Russian parliament in September he was clearing the tracks for a rapid transition to a functioning market economy. With this pledge, he received strong backing from the leading powers of the West. Yeltsin enjoyed a strong relationship with the Western powers, particularly the United States , but the relationship made him unpopular with many Russians. In Russia, the Yeltsin side had control over television, where hardly any pro-parliament views were expressed during the September—October crisis.

The next day, the Constitutional Court held that Yeltsin had violated the constitution and could be impeached. Although Gennady Zyuganov and other top leaders of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation did not participate in the events, individual members of communist organizations actively supported the parliament.

Yeltsin also sparked popular unrest with his dissolution of a parliament increasingly opposed to his neoliberal economic reforms. Tens of thousands of Russians marched in the streets of Moscow seeking to bolster the parliamentary cause. The demonstrators were protesting against the deteriorating living conditions. Since , the GDP had been declining, corruption was rampant, violent crime was skyrocketing, medical services were collapsing and life expectancy falling. Yeltsin was also increasingly getting the blame.

Nonetheless, some of them also tried to voice their protest, and sporadic strikes took place across Russia. On 28 September, Moscow saw the first bloody clashes between the special police and anti-Yeltsin demonstrators. Also on the same day, the Interior Ministry moved to seal off the parliament building.

Barricades and wire were put around the building. The Russian Orthodox Church acted as a host to desultory discussions between representatives of the Congress and the president. The negotiations with the Russian Orthodox Patriarch as mediator continued until 2 October. On the afternoon of 3 October, Moscow police failed to control a demonstration near the White House, and the political impasse developed into armed conflict. Rutskoi signed a decree that had no practical consequences on the release of Viktor Chernomyrdin from the post of Prime Minister.

On the afternoon of 3 October, armed opponents of Yeltsin successfully stormed the police cordon around the White House territory, where the Russian parliament was barricaded. Khasbulatov also called for the storming of the Kremlin and imprisoning "the criminal and usurper Yeltsin" in Matrosskaya Tishina.

At Yeltsin signed a decree [58] declaring a state of emergency in Moscow. But the pro-parliament crowds were met by Interior Ministry units and special forces who took positions in and around the TV complex. A pitched battle followed. Part of the TV center was significantly damaged. Television stations went off the air and 46 people were killed, [59] including Terry Michael Duncan , an American lawyer, who was in Moscow to establish a law firm and was killed while attempting to help the wounded.

When broadcasting resumed late in the evening, vice-premier Yegor Gaidar called on television for a meeting in support of democracy and President Yeltsin "so that the country would not be turned yet again into a huge concentration camp". The Ostankino killings went unreported by Russian state television. Two French, one British, and one American journalist were killed by sniper fire during the massacre. Between 2—4 October, the position of the army was the deciding factor.

By this time dozens of people had been killed and hundreds had been wounded. Rutskoy, as a former general, appealed to some of his ex-colleagues. After all, many officers and especially rank-and-file soldiers had little sympathy for Yeltsin. But the supporters of the parliament did not send any emissaries to the barracks to recruit lower-ranking officer corps, making the fatal mistake of attempting to deliberate only among high-ranking military officials who already had close ties to parliamentary leaders.

In the end, a prevailing bulk of the generals did not want to take their chances with a Rutskoy-Khasbulatov regime. The plan of action was proposed by Captain Gennady Zakharov. Ten tanks were to fire at the upper floors of the White House , with the aim of minimizing casualties but creating confusion and panic amongst the defenders. Five tanks were deployed at Novy Arbat bridge and the other five at Pavlik Morozov playground, behind the building. Then, special troops of the Vympel and Alpha units would storm the parliament premises.

By sunrise on 4 October, the Russian army encircled the parliament building, and a few hours later army tanks began to shell the White House, punching holes in the front of it. Yeltsin declared:. Those, who went against the peaceful city and unleashed bloody slaughter, are criminals. But this is not only a crime of individual bandits and pogrommakers. Everything that took place and is still taking place in Moscow is a pre-planned armed rebellion.

It has been organized by Communist revanchists , Fascist leaders, a part of former deputies, the representatives of the Soviets. Under the cover of negotiations they gathered forces, recruited bandit troops of mercenaries, who were accustomed to murders and violence.

A petty gang of politicians attempted by armed force to impose their will on the entire country. The means by which they wanted to govern Russia have been shown to the entire world. These are the cynical lie, bribery. These are cobblestones , sharpened iron rods, automatic weapons and machine guns. Those, who are waving red flags , again stained Russia with blood.

They hoped for the unexpectedness, for the fact that their impudence and unprecedented cruelty will sow fear and confusion. Fascist-communist armed rebellion in Moscow shall be suppressed within the shortest period. The Russian state has necessary forces for this. By noon, troops entered the White House and began to occupy it, floor by floor.

Hostilities were stopped several times to allow some in the White House to leave. By mid-afternoon, popular resistance in the streets was completely suppressed, barring occasional sniper fire. Hundreds of supporters of the Supreme Council surrendered and were sent to the nearest stadium. Many sources of information indicate that the prisoners were subsequently executed.

The "second October Revolution", [71] as mentioned, saw the deadliest street fighting in Moscow since Some claim Yeltsin was backed by the military only grudgingly, and only at the eleventh hour. A paradigmatic example of this was General Pavel Grachev , who had demonstrated his loyalty during this crisis.

Grachev became a key political figure, despite many years of charges that he was linked to corruption within the Russian military. In , a majority of Russians considered the events of 21 September—4 October as an attempt of Communist revanche or as a result of Rutskoy and Khasbulatov seeking personal power. On 5 October , the newspaper Izvestiya published the open letter "Writers demand decisive actions of the government" to the government and President signed by 42 well-known Russian literati and hence called the Letter of Forty-Two.

It was written in reaction to the events and contained the following seven demands: [74]. In the weeks following the storming of the White House, Yeltsin issued a barrage of presidential decrees intended to consolidate his position. Valery Zorkin , chairman of the Constitutional Court, was forced to resign. The chairman of the Federation of Independent Trade Unions was also sacked.

Yeltsin decreed on 12 October that both houses of parliament would be elected in December. On 15 October, he ordered that a popular referendum be held in December on a new constitution. Rutskoy and Khasbulatov were charged on 15 October with "organizing mass disorders" and imprisoned. On 23 February , the State Duma amnestied all individuals involved in the events of September—October In early , the criminal proceedings were discontinued and were eventually placed into the archives.

The new basic law would concentrate sweeping powers in the hands of the president. The bicameral legislature, to sit for only two years, was restricted in crucial areas. The president could choose the prime minister even if the parliament objected and could appoint the military leadership without parliamentary approval. He would head and appoint the members of a new, more powerful security council.

If a vote of no confidence in the government was passed, the president would be enabled to keep it in office for three months and could dissolve the parliament if it repeated the vote. The president could veto any bill passed by a simple majority in the lower house, after which a two-thirds majority would be required for the legislation to be passed. The president could not be impeached for contravening the constitution.

At the time, most political observers regarded the draft constitution as shaped by and for Yeltsin and perhaps unlikely to survive him. On 12 December, Yeltsin managed to push through his new constitution, creating a strong presidency and giving the president sweeping powers to issue decrees. Unexpectedly, the most surprising insurgent group proved to be the ultranationalist Liberal Democratic Party led by Vladimir Zhirinovsky.

LDPR leader, Vladimir Zhirinovsky , alarmed many observers abroad with his neo- fascist and chauvinist declarations. Russia now has a Prime Minister who heads a cabinet and directs the administration, but the system is an example of presidentialism with the cover of a presidential prime minister, not an effective semi-presidential constitutional model. The premier, for example, is appointed, and in effect freely dismissed, by the president.

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. For other uses, see October Coup disambiguation. This article has multiple issues. Please help improve it or discuss these issues on the talk page. Learn how and when to remove these template messages. This article contains too many or overly lengthy quotations for an encyclopedic entry.

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